* The House passed the human services appropriations bill today, which cuts hundreds of millions of dollars from this year’s spending. The vote was 83-25-2.
The House has now finished passing its budget bills, and Speaker Madigan congratulated his chamber this afternoon for taking on the very difficult task of handling these budget cuts on their own, without the usual end-of-session, back-room negotiations between the leaders and the governor. As Madigan pointed out, this is the first time a budget has been crafted by the approp committees since 1991. Before that, one chamber would handle half the budget and the other chamber would take on the rest. Watch…
As I write this, the Senate is voting on its approp bills as well. No Republicans are voting for the bills, complaining that the legislation hasn’t been heard in committee. They make a valid point, but it’s not like they were going to vote “Yes” anyway.
* The Question: Do you think Speaker Madigan is training his members to act on their own because he might be planning to retire? Or, do you think Madigan is doing it this way for the first time ever because he knew he couldn’t negotiate a spending-cut budget with Gov. Quinn and President Cullerton and then convince his more liberal members to accept it? Or is it something else? Take the poll and then explain your answer in comments, please.
*** UPDATE *** Sorry. I screwed up the code and had to dump the poll. You may also have to clear your browser cache because when I did the new poll, I kinda screwed it up as well. Sheesh. Friday the 13th. Vote again, please…
* All of this site’s current advertisers are stirring things up in Illinois. For instance, I received this same robocall the other day, which offers to connect you to your state legislator…
State Rep. Dan Brady, R-Bloomington, is among those targeted by the phone campaign. His office has been flooded with about 100 calls a day this week from people who were contacted by a group called “Illinois Is Broke.”
Brady said some people believe he’s the one initiating the calls.
“They think this is coming from my office. It’s not,” Brady said. “I have nothing to do with it. They are extremely misleading.” […]
Like Brady, state Rep. Mike Bost, R-Murphysboro, said his office phones have been clogged by callers on both sides of the pension question.
“They are running people scared,” Bost said. “This is pretty extreme stuff.”
In Illinois, where pensions have been underfunded for decades, Democratic House Speaker Michael J. Madigan says it’s time to consider cutting benefits. Senate President John Cullerton, also a Democrat, is backing a bill to make retirees pay a bigger share of premiums for health care and to force school districts to shoulder more of the teacher-retirement costs. Republican Governor Pat Quinn has said that he would prefer negotiating with unions to win concessions, but has not threatened to veto legislation to cut benefits. Lawmakers may act before the legislative session ends on May 31. “We paid our share for the pension, and the politicians did not put in their fair share,” says Kathy Reno, 55, a certified nurse’s aide at the state-run LaSalle Veterans Home, who makes about $38,000 a year. “Why should we be punished for something they didn’t do?”
To fight the proposed changes, a coalition of public and private labor groups called We Are One Illinois has launched a $1 million ad campaign. “All I have is the pension I paid for,” says one voice in a 30-second spot featuring a firefighter, teacher, and police officer. “But the politicians broke their promise, failed to make payments. And now they want to punish me for their mess?”
The battle over reshaping the way Central Illinois families and businesses are charged for electric and natural gas service is coming down to the wire with no clear winner in sight.
At issue is House Bill 14 in the state legislature that would allow Ameren Illinois and Commonwealth Edison to receive annual delivery cost rate hikes for electricity and natural gas that would be subject to review only after they go into effect. […]
But the bill’s stance may be undergoing some voltage fluctuations. An amended version is in the works that apparently would make the bill more palatable to the governor and other critics. This tweaked version wasn’t made public as of Thursday, but opponents already fear it will offer only cosmetic alterations in an attempt to make Quinn put down his veto pen. […]
Ameren counters by saying the critics are misrepresenting how the new delivery fee system would work. It said the proposal would be more efficient than the present system, which dates to the 1920s, and ensures a more reliable and timely revenue stream for utilities to recoup their costs and investment. But the company said that does not mean it gets an blank check to charge whatever it wants.
Though the state ranked second in most new wind added in 2010, Illinois wind farm development could come to a halt this summer.
According to the American Wind Energy Association, the state’s industry faces a substantial financial hurdle if Illinois’ in-state preference expires as scheduled June 1, 2011.
The in-state preference requires the Illinois Power Agency, which is responsible for meeting the state’s rising requirement to use electricity from renewable sources, to procure that electricity from facilities located in Illinois. Only if such in-state power is exhausted can the IPA buy from outside, first from states that adjoin Illinois, then from elsewhere.
“If the General Assembly does not extend the geographic preference, the industry could lose momentum,” said Brad Lystra, director of the AWEA. “If developers can’t finance projects, then we can’t put shovels in the ground.”
We have grown incredibly weary of the casinos’ whining about having to operate within the laws of this state. In fact, Illinois went to great trouble to change its laws 20 years ago to allow casinos to operate here at all. The state has done nothing in the years since but make it easier for the gambling industry here.
The Illinois Clean Indoor Air act protects all employees and patrons of businesses in Illinois. That includes those in casinos. This is a public health issue, not a money issue.
* And SEIU Healthcare’s ads against cuts to various state programs were recently scrutinized…
“(But) because it’s so removed from the outcomes, groups are usually reluctant to take that kind of effort, to put those resources in that kind of effort, when it’s much more direct for them to send their lobbyists over to talk to a public official,” Morrison said.
These messages sometimes lose focus.
“Advocacy groups are often times providing information in a way that is advantageous to their organization and loses the broader context,” said Philip Habel, a professor at Southern Illinois University in Carbondale.
SEIU Healthcare is advocating the state’s Community Care Program, Childcare Assistance Program and the Home Service Program be fully funded. And the advertisement campaign will play a part in getting that done, Seibert said.
“Every other state has some kind of regulatory scenario,” [SAF Executive Vice President Alan Gottlieb] noted. “Even in Wisconsin, where there is no concealed carry statute, the state attorney general has recognized that open carry is legal. Only Illinois makes it statutorily impossible for average private citizens to carry firearms for self-defense.
“Whether Illinois lawmakers like it or not,” he added, “the Second Amendment right to keep and bear arms is the law of the land. A complete prohibition simply does not pass constitutional muster. The state cannot stick it’s head in the sand and pretend this problem does not exist..”
* The lawsuit contends that the state’s “Unlawful Use of Weapons” statutes are unconstitutional because they “prohibit otherwise qualified private citizens from carrying handguns for the purpose of self-defense.” More…
Plaintiffs do not seek to establish how the State of Illinois should regulate the carry of handguns in public. For example, Plaintiffs do not seek to establish that the State should enact a licensing program, or any particular licensing program, nor do Plaintiffs contend that the State should in some other manner amend its laws.
Rather, Plaintiffs seek to establish that the recognition and incorporation of the Second Amendment – the right to possess and carry weapons in case of confrontation – renders the State’s present regulatory choice unconstitutional. Whatever the contours of a constitutional scheme might be, the Second Amendment renders a ban on carrying guns impermissible.
In reality, the maps are drawn and the month of May 2011 should be devoted to real transparency in the redistricting process
The coalition has been claiming for a month or more that the maps are done. They’re not. There’s lots of activity going on right now. Boundaries are still changing.
As subscribers know, a large group of Democrats just got their first look at the proposed new map boundaries yesterday. Subscribers also know approximately when the maps will be released. But I can tell you that the maps are not yet finished. Members are still tweaking them.
Aiming to ensure its voice isn’t drowned out by the Democratic-controlled state House, Senate and governor’s office, the party has filed a lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of the way the political lines for congressional and General Assembly districts are drawn.
The lawsuit, filed by Illinois GOP Chairman Pat Brady of St. Charles and the Illinois Republican Party in Springfield Wednesday, asks the Supreme Court to declare the tiebreaking provision of the politically prickly redistricting process in violation of the state’s constitution, and stop the General Assembly from completing the redistricting process until the court makes a decision.
“Drawing a statewide map by a method involving random chance deprives the plaintiffs a republican form of government,” the lawsuit reads. […]
“The map that Democrats produce will surely favor them and it’s not the result of a transparent process,” said [Brien Sheahan, general counsel for the Illinois GOP].
The lawsuit says nothing about the current process’ transparency. It’s about the tie-breaker provision. Actually, it’s about convincing the Illinois Supreme Court to delay the remap process until after the end of May, which would mean that the map would require a three-fifths majority (read: Republican votes).
One of the governor’s other priorities is approval of a new, fair, legislative map. Lawmakers have presided over hearings in both chambers for the past few weeks to take testimony about what the new maps, which are redrawn every ten years, should look like.
“We want to make sure we don’t have lines drawn that look like they were drawn by somebody who’s majoring in Egyptian hieroglyphics,” said Quinn, addressing a gathering at Western Illinois University. “That’s happened, I guess, elsewhere. But we don’t want that to happen in Illinois.”
* Tribune editorial: Let’s see the map: Here’s the thing about that May deadline: It’s baloney. The constitution gives the General Assembly until June 30 to pass a map before a bipartisan commission takes over. Once the regular legislative session ends, though, it takes a supermajority to pass a bill. The Democrats don’t have that many votes. That’s what the May 31 deadline is about. Revealing and voting on the map at the last minute will show that keeping Republicans out of the drawing room is far more important to Democrats than letting the public in.
* Press release: Broad Coalition submits “fair and inclusive” legislative map to Illinois House
The House plan would challenge the unions representing state employees, said Rep. Frank Mautino, D-Spring Valley. He said the budget won’t contain money for raises that were promised in the latest contract.
Mautino, a House leader on budget issues, said the unions can agree to give up their raises or agencies would run out of money and have to cut [positions].
AFSCME has a “no layoff” agreement with Gov. Pat Quinn. So, the state would have to eliminate positions instead of just laying people off.
AFSCME said its analysis of the proposed House budgets show significant cuts in personnel spending in a variety of areas. The departments of Corrections, Children and Family Services and Healthcare and Family Services all show reductions in personnel expenses of 6.5 percent to 7 percent. Cuts in the Department of Human Services range from 10.4 percent to 21 percent, depending on the division.
“Those cuts are much, much more than the scheduled pay increase for this year,” said AFSCME spokesman Anders Lindall.
AFSCME agreed to defer some raises called for in its contract negotiated three years ago. Union employees are now scheduled to receive a 2 percent increase on July 1, another 1.25 percent on Jan. 1 and a final 2 percent Feb. 1. The annualized increase is 3.5 percent, AFSCME said.
“It’s disgusting for these politicians to blame hard-working state employees who have already given up pay increases and unpaid furlough days,” Lindall said. “The politicians are trying to divert focus from what is a deeply irresponsible budget, maybe the most reckless budget plan ever introduced in the state of Illinois.”
The Illinois House Human Services Appropriations Committee is proposing a $463 million payment reduction of Medicaid to hospitals for next year’s budget. But the Illinois Hospital Association is offering an alternative – why not delay reimbursement payments than making deeper cuts?
“The state could extend the payment cycle rather than do cuts across the board,” said Howard Peters, executive vice president of Illinois Hospital Association. “Hospitals would rather be paid timely payments, (and it’s) better to be paid late than taking inadequate payment, because the Medicaid program is already paying less than the cost to deliver Medicaid care.”
Hospitals are familiar with delayed Medicaid reimbursements. Illinois’ Medicaid backlog bill is $448.6 million with the oldest bill dating back to Jan. 3, said Brad Hahn, spokesman for the state’s comptroller’s office. Illinois’ total backlog of unpaid bills is hovering around $4.5 billion for the same period.
“It’s not a new notion that the state would pay slower,” Peters said. “So when we say, ‘We would agree to extend the payment cycle,’ that’s been what’s more normal than a prompt payment approach.”
State Rep. Patti Bellock, R-Westmont, said the House Human Services Appropriations Committee is taking everything, including suggestions, into consideration to meet service providers’ needs.
“Well we don’t like to (delay payments) but to extend the cycle out that is what the hospitals have asked us to do rather than taking more cuts,” said Bellock, a committee member. “By extending the (payment) cycle out, (the state would save) around $250 million.”
* The complaining from local governments about proposed state budget cuts targeting them is really heating up…
In a story earlier this week, Tinley Park Trustee Greg Hannon encapsulated that outrage.
“They haven’t done their job in 20 years-plus,” he said. “So now they’re going to balance their budget on the backs of municipalities and the citizens who are already taxed too high, and then pat themselves on the back for a job well done.”
The locals not only didn’t help lobby for the income tax increase, many mayors (like Mayor Daley) publicly bad-mouthed it. That didn’t go down too well at the Statehouse. So when the Senate Republicans floated the idea of cutting payments to local governments by $300 million (almost 30 percent) the Democrats began to take notice.
“We have already shared the pain,” said Kerry Cummings, village president of north suburban Glenview. “We have already made the tough decisions.” […]
Aurora Mayor Tom Weisner said lawmakers must rein in “the culture of spending” instead of raiding funds promised to cities and towns.
“This is a transfer of responsibility for state overspending to local communities and to local taxpayers,” Weisner said. “It’s time for Springfield to clean up it’s own mess.”
They’re right that they’ve already experienced pain. Everybody has in Illinois. They’re wrong that they’ve already shared the pain at the state level other than late payments.
And, if the state is overspending, as Mayor Weisner rightly contends, then that state spending problem would logically include local government cash. It’s not a great argument.
“We either have to dip into reserves, which affects the asset performance of our reserves. Or in some cases we have to go out and borrow this money. So we’re now paying interest on this money, real interest,” he said.
Here’s a bit of lobbying advice: Never tell the General Assembly that you have cash reserves.
* Look, I don’t like this at all. Passing problems down the line is not a good way to govern whatsoever. But schools are being cut and so is everybody else. I don’t see how you can cut schools and not touch municipalities. These cuts are totally unacceptable, but these are totally unacceptable times.
* To understand union politics, you first have to recognize that it’s about politics.
Every five years, somebody is elected president of the Chicago Teachers’ Union on promises to be far more aggressive than the incumbent. Then, once elected, they have to govern. When we talk about the CTU, you have to keep those elections in mind. And the education reform bill which was sent to the governor yesterday on an overwhelming bipartisan vote is no different. Included in the bill is a provision requiring a 75 percent super-majority to authorize a strike. The CTU president agreed to it in negotiations, even though the provision applies only to Chicago. And that’s enraged quite a few of her constituents…
CTU President Karen Lewis has already gotten heat from union members about the bill. Said former CTU President Debbie Lynch, “In our opinion, this went down without a fight. … If it was me, I would have never agreed to the 75 percent threshold. Period.’’
As you already know, President Lewis used some significant language problems with the bill to rail against the entire proposal and its backers on the other side of the equation. Other than the real issues with the bill’s language, most of her comments were meant entirely for her union voters.
[House Majority Leader Barbara Flynn Currie] said she is open to passing follow-up legislation to address the CTU’s concerns about who has voting rights in a strike-authorization vote and about language in the bill that takes the pending layoff dispute out of the hands of the Illinois Educational Labor Relations Board.
But so far, Currie said, unions, business groups and reform organizations have not coalesced around a compromise.
Ken Swanson, president of the Illinois Education Association, one of Illinois’ major teacher unions with 133,000 members, said the real take-away from Illinois’ reforms was the way that all sides — lawmakers, schools, unions and advocates — worked together.
“Look at what happens when everyone can come together at the table and talk,” said Swanson. “That’s something that colleagues in other states have not been given the opportunity to do.”
Swanson also downplayed the national potential of Illinois’ reforms.
“I think the Department of Education monitors the goings on in every state,” said Swanson.
The IEA prepared its membership for the bill by explaining it throughout the process. Also, Swanson is retiring soon, so he can be a convenient fall guy.
* Teacher seniority would no longer be the sole basis on which teachers are laid off when school boards cut jobs. Instead, teacher performance and qualifications would be factors in the decision.
* Decisions on hiring and assigning teachers would be based not on seniority, but rather on who would best serve the district.
* Extra steps would be required before teachers can strike — a mediator would have to release to the public the last offers made by each side.
* The Chicago Teachers Union would need a three-fourths vote from its membership before being able to strike. Downstate, a simple majority vote of the membership would be needed, as is the case now.
* School boards could more quickly fire teachers for bad conduct or performance.
* Teachers would have to receive two “proficient” or “excellent” evaluations during the last three years of a four-year probationary period to achieve tenure. New teachers could get tenure early if they receive three “excellent” reviews in their first three years. Currently, a teacher gets tenure after four years, or is not rehired.
Illinois schools would lose $166 million in state support under cuts approved Thursday as the Illinois House passed parts of an austere new state budget.
That’s about 2.3 percent less than schools get under the current state budget. Most of the cuts would come from funds that schools use for general needs. Early childhood education also would take a significant hit, falling 5 percent.
The cuts were approved 102-12. Legislation making cuts to a wide array of smaller state agencies also was approved, and more budget bills could be approved Friday.
The budget is far from settled, however. Senate Democrats have their own ideas on how much to spend and where. So does Gov. Pat Quinn, although his budget proposal has found little support in the Legislature.
“You can only spend what you have,” said Rep. Will Davis, D-Homewood, who chaired the House committee overseeing budgets for elementary and high schools.
A key reduction calls for general state aid for all schools to be cut by around 4 percent, according to lawmakers.
The education foundation level, the figure viewed as the minimum amount of per-pupil spending, would remain flat at about $6,119, Davis said. If more money comes in later, the state could boost school spending, he added. Transportation funds would rise above the current year’s level, which had been reduced by Quinn, but it does not go up as high as in prior years that were more flush.
Early childhood education funding would drop to $325 million come July 1, which is about a 5 percent reduction, according to Davis.
