* The Bond Buyer has a story about JB Pritzker bill signings. Included is SB 1911, which has various revenue components. But sometimes, some of the publication’s reporting flies over my head. That’s to be expected in a publication aimed at tax and finance wizards, and it’s why people sign up for subscriptions. But this passage was puzzling to me…
The bill also makes a workaround to federal state and local tax deduction caps permanent and swaps the Global Intangible Low Tax Income tax for the Net Controlled Foreign Corporation Tested Income regime, effective Jan. 1. […]
The change from GILTI to NCFCTI drew opposition from the Taxpayers’ Federation. The goal of the change was to bring tax income back to the U.S. government, [Maurice Scholten, president of the Taxpayers’ Federation of Illinois] said, but NCFCTI lacks the 10% return on tangible capital in foreign jurisdictions that GILTI offered.
“This new regime is broader than GILTI; it’s not just a rebranding or renaming, there are substantive changes within it,” Scholten said.
They have other concerns, including about the apportionment factor that’s used to figure out how much income is subject to taxation in Illinois.
* So, I reached out to Scholten for a translation into English…
Under the U.S. Constitution, states may tax only income that is connected to economic activity in the state. Because large companies operate in many places at once, states use formulas to divide, or “apportion,” a company’s income among the jurisdictions where it does business. Apportionment is necessary because if each state taxed all of a corporation’s income, the company would be taxed multiple times on the same dollars and would likely owe more in taxes than it actually earned.
Illinois uses a very simple formula. It looks only at sales made by the company. If 5 percent of a company’s U.S. sales are to Illinois customers, Illinois taxes 5 percent of the company’s U.S. income. Under this system, the tax calculation generally includes only U.S. companies. Foreign subsidiaries are typically excluded, so income generated by the foreign subsidiaries and sales made by the foreign subsidiaries are not part of the apportionment formula or the tax base.
Illinois now includes 50% of GILTI for tax year 2025 and 50% of NCTI for 2026 and beyond. This is income earned by foreign subsidiaries through foreign activities and subject to foreign income taxes. Even though this foreign income is now included in Illinois’ tax base, the apportionment formula itself is unchanged; Illinois would still tax 5 percent of this larger tax base. If the formula reflected all of the income being taxed, it would compare Illinois sales to total sales everywhere that generated that income which is in the tax base.
From the example above, Illinois accounts for 5 percent of a company’s U.S. sales, Illinois would tax 5 percent of the company’s U.S. income. But once foreign income is added to the tax base, Illinois sales may represent only 2 percent of the company’s global sales. In that case, Illinois would reasonably tax only 2 percent of the company’s total income. The percentage shrinks, but the income base grows.
That mismatch matters. The Constitution requires state tax formulas to reflect a reasonable connection between the income being taxed and the activity occurring in the state. When income is included in the tax base but excluded from the apportionment factors, that connection breaks down. A formula cannot fairly apportion income it does not measure.
OK, I think I get it now.
* Back to the Bond Buyer…
The federation also opposed the decoupling from federal bonus depreciation. The measure concerns manufacturing facilities and when corporations can deduct the expenses for those facilities.
A federal law change in the Trump administration’s tax and spending bill allowed corporations to deduct those expenses immediately, giving them an immediate tax break while lowering tax revenue. When Illinois decoupled from that, it meant that companies have to deduct those costs over the life of the facility.
The revenue is eventually the same, but the state’s decoupling law means that Illinois won’t take a hit all at once. But that also means the state has lost a recruiting/retention tool, especially with manufacturers.
* The governor was asked this week about whether the decoupling legislation “makes the state less competitive.” His response…
I think first of all, the federal government has caused a massive issue for all 50 states. That is to say, every state has lost support from the federal government because of the OBBBA, I think I got all the letters in there. But, I mean, it’s billions and billions of dollars that are being lost by states from the federal government. And then they have the audacity to also go after state revenues and state money, for example SNAP. Trying to get hundreds of millions of dollars from states when that was not something, that was part of the SNAP program before. And so the decoupling is an effort to try to hold back the onslaught from the federal government, to make sure that we can support programs like the one we’re announcing today, and that’s really what the purpose of it is.
- Annonin' - Friday, Dec 19, 25 @ 12:57 pm:
Taxpayers Federation and Bond Buyer can be expected to support as many give aways as possible — even if giveaways are financed by deficit spending. So if a state says “nope” they will be critical. U.S. could not afford the giveaways. Same for IL.
- Captain Obvious - Friday, Dec 19, 25 @ 2:40 pm:
Of course it makes the state less competitive which is why he dodged the question. But that’s the trade off for the increased revenue and the chance you take when you hurt businesses.
- IllinoisBadger - Friday, Dec 19, 25 @ 3:14 pm:
Nothing is more competitive than no taxes on anything. But we wouldn’t have a functional state under those conditions. So “this makes us less competitive” is a weak point. Ultimately, the Trump tax law took our balanced budget as passed in May and put it more than 200 million in deficit. Cutting spending from an already lean budget to match that would have been outrageous - it was utterly reasonable to claw back some of the Trump tax cuts especially when overall IL corporations gained billions from the Trump tax law even after the clawback.
- IllinoisBadger - Friday, Dec 19, 25 @ 3:23 pm:
Also the GILTI change was not a decoupling change. The GILTI to NCTI change was made in the Trump tax law. If our state law continued referring to GILTI provisions in federal law we’d have been referring to a regime that no longer existed. That’s an area where IL stayed coupled to the federal regime.
- Facts Matter - Friday, Dec 19, 25 @ 3:36 pm:
A nice “drive by” by Annonin’. Maurice cogently explained the flaws in the decoupling proposal. If the state wishes to tax NCTI, they need to do so in a manner that is constitutional. They haven’t done so and they have unnecessarily set the stage for litigation.
Contrary to the Governor’s attempt at misdirection by invoking Trump this instance of decoupling is inconsistent with the Governor’s avowed intent to encourage manufacturing in the state. It is yet one more reason Illinois is less competitive when companies are looking to locate or expand in Illinois.
- Dirty Red - Friday, Dec 19, 25 @ 4:13 pm:
= Also the GILTI change was not a decoupling change. =
No one is saying it is, but GILTI to NCTI was in the same bill as the decoupling provision.
= The GILTI to NCTI change was made in the Trump tax law. =
Illinois did not automatically conform to those provisions of federal tax law like other states. It took state legislation this spring to adopt GILTI just like it took this bill to adopt NCTI. The Federation has objected to how those bills were structured. How are taxpayers supposed to file accurate returns when the law doesn’t provide a most basic component of liability calculation? Plenty of states are not adopting NCTI, and so their tax codes will not present these issues. That’s a competitive disadvantage.